Wednesday, December 31, 2014

Split in the Congress at different stages (contd-1)



The Congress  concluded its session at Gaya on December 31, 1922,  and the All India Congress Committee met next day , Jan 1, 1923. Before the business commenced, C.R.Das announced  his resignation of the office of Congress President, and made a statement in explanation or or justification of his action. He said that there were at  least two schools of thought with fundamental differences,.He could not associate himself with most of the resolutions passed in the last session of the Congress. .....He, therefore, wnted to work with those who believe in the programme as he did. Shortly after this, pro-councilors issued a manifesto forming and constituting themselves into a party within the Congress , called the Congress Khilafat Swaraj Party, which later converted to Swaraj Party. They would follow the same principle of Non-Violent and Non-Cooperation as their principles of action. C.R.Das became the elected leader of the Party, Motilal Nehru as one of the Secretaries, and almost all the prominent leaders more than 100, such as  Hkim Ajmal Khan, V.J.Patel, N.C.Kelkar, Satymurti and Jayakar, joined the new party.    
The leaders of the Swaraj Party showed great activity in organising the new party. They conducted a vigorous propaganda all over the country. Nehru in Upper India, Patel in bombay, and Das in Bengal, C.P. and South India. After this preliminary propagandas all over the India they summoned a Conference in Allahabad in March 1923, and drew up the constitution of the party and the plan of its campaign.
After many attempts Maulana Abul kalam Azad succeeded in a compromising formula between the two parties in April 30 and the propaganda to be suspended by both the parties.  Their normal functioning would remain as it was.But the Compromise did not satisfy the extremities.
Any way the no changers was gradually losing their hold over the country.    

Split in the Congress at different stages

Since India gained independence in 1947, the Indian National Congress (INC) has seen a steady number of splits and breakaway factions. Some of the breakaway organizations have thrived as independent parties, some have become defunct, while others have merged with the parent party or other political parties.

List of breakaway parties[edit]

YearPartyLeaderRegionStatus
1923Swaraj PartyChittaranjan DasMotilal NehruBengal Presidencydefunct
merged with Indian National Congress
1939All India Forward Bloc[1]Sardul Singh Caveeshar
Sheel Bhadra Yagee
Subhas Chandra Bose
Nationalactive
1951Kisan Mazdoor Praja Party[2]Jivatram KripalaniMysore state
Madras State
Delhi
Vindhya Pradesh
defunct
merged with Praja Socialist Party
1951Hyderabad State Praja PartyTanguturi Prakasam
N. G. Ranga
Hyderabad Statedefunct
merged with Kisan Mazdoor Praja Party
1956Indian National Democratic Congress[3]C. RajagopalachariMadras Statedefunct
merged with Swatantra Party
1959Swatantra Party[4]C. Rajagopalachari
N. G. Ranga
Bihar
Rajasthan
Gujarat
Orissa
defunct
merged with Bharatiya Kranti Dal in 1974
1964Kerala Congress(Mani)[5]K. M. GeorgeKeralaactive as the original party various factions which have split off from it such as Kerala Congress (M)Kerala Congress (B),Kerala Congress (Jacob)Kerala Congress (original Kerala Congress led by PC Thomas)Kerala Congress (Nationalist)
1966Orissa Jana CongressHarekrushna MahatabOrissadefunct
merged with Janata Party
1967Indian National Congress (R)[6]Indira GandhiNationalactive
recognized as the INC by the Election Commission (EC) after the 1971 general election. The party was allowed to call itself the Indian National Congress without any suffix and the EC also restored the frozen Congress symbol of two bullocks to it..[7]
1967Bharatiya Kranti Dal[8]Charan SinghUttar Pradeshdefunct
merged with Janata Party
1967Bangla CongressAjoy MukherjeeWest Bengaldefunct
merged with Janata Party
1968Manipur Peoples Party[9]Mohammed AlimuddinManipuractive
1969Indian National Congress (Organisation)[10]K. Kamaraj
Morarji Desai
Nationaldefunct
merged with Janata Party
1969Utkal CongressBiju PatnaikOrissadefunct
merged with Janata Party
1969Telangana Praja SamithiMarri Chenna ReddyAndhra Pradeshdefunct
merged with INC
1977Congress for Democracy[11]Jagjivan RamNationaldefunct
merged with Janata party
1978Indian National Congress (Urs)[12]D. Devaraj UrsKarnataka
Kerala
Maharashtra
Goa
defunct
1981Indian National Congress (Socialist)[12]Sharad PawarKarnataka
Kerala
Maharashtra
Goa
defunct
merged with INC
1981Indian National Congress (Jagjivan)[12][12]Jagjivan RamBihardefunct
1984Indian Congress (Socialist) - Sarat Chandra Sinha[13]Sarat Chandra SinhaAssamdefunct
merged with Nationalist Congress Party
1986Rashtriya Samajwadi CongressPranab MukherjeeWest Bengaldefunct
merged with INC
1988Thamizhaga Munnetra Munnani[14]Sivaji GanesanTamil Nadudefunct
merged with Janata Dal
1994All India Indira Congress (Tiwari)[15]Narayan Dutt Tiwari
Arjun Singh
K. Natwar Singh
Uttar Pradeshdefunct
merged with INC
1994Karnataka Congress PartyBangarappaKarnatakadefunct
merged with INC
1996Karnataka Vikas PartyBangarappaKarnatakadefunct
merged with INC
1996Arunachal CongressGegong ApangArunachal Pradeshdefunct
merged with INC
1996Tamil Maanila Congress[16]G. K. MoopanarTamil Nadudefunct
merged with INC
1996Madhya Pradesh Vikas CongressMadhavrao ScindiaMadhya Pradeshdefunct
merged with INC
1997All India Trinamool CongressMamata BanerjeeWest Bengalactive
left the alliance with INC
1997Tamil Nadu Makkal CongressVazhapadi RamamurthyTamil Nadudefunct
1998Goa Rajiv Congress PartyFrancis de SouzaGoadefunct
merged with Nationalist Congress Party
1998Arunachal Congress (Mithi)Mukut MithiArunachal Pradeshdefunct
merged with INC
1998All India Indira Congress (Secular)[17]Sis Ram OlaRajasthandefunct
merged with INC
1998Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi[18]Suresh KalmadiMaharashtradefunct
merged with INC
1999Bharatiya Jan CongressJagannath MishraBihardefunct
merged with Nationalist Congress Party
1999Nationalist Congress PartySharad Pawar
P.A. Sangma
Tariq Anwar
Maharashtra
Meghalaya
Bihar
Kerala
active
in alliance with INC. In Kerala NCP is a member of the CPIM led Left Democratic Front, opposing INC led UDF
2000Goa People's CongressFrancisco SardinhaGoadefunct
merged with INC
2001Congress Jananayaka PeravaiP. ChidambaramTamil Nadudefunct
merged with INC
2001Thondar CongressKumari AnanthanTamil Nadudefunct
merged with INC
2001Pondicherry Makkal CongressP. KannanPuducherrydefunct
2002Vidarbha Janata CongressJambuwantrao DhoteMaharashtraactive
2002Indian National Congress (Sheik Hassan)Sheik HassanGoadefunct
merged with Bharatiya Janata Party
2003Congress (Dolo)Kameng DoloArunachal Pradeshdefunct
merged with Bharatiya Janata Party
2005Pondicherry Munnetra CongressP.KannanPuducherrydefunct
merged with INC
2005Democratic Indira Congress (Karunakaran)[19]K. KarunakaranKeraladefunct
merged with Nationalist Congress Party and a large number of workers returned to the INC with K. Karunakaran later his son K. Muraleedharan also returned to INC
2007Haryana Janhit Congress (BL)Bhajan LalHaryanaactive
Congress (A)A. K. AntonyKeraladefunct
merged with INC
Himachal Vikas CongressSukh RamHimachal Pradeshdefunct
merged with INC
Haryana Vikas PartyBansi LalHaryanadefunct
merged with INC
Manipur State Congress Party[20]Wahengbam Nipamacha SinghManipurdefunct
merged with RJD
Tamizhaga Rajiv CongressVazhapadi RamamurthyTamil Nadudefunct
merged with INC
All India Rajiv Krantikari Congressstatus unknown
Bharatiya Rajiv Congressstatus unknown
Gujarat State Janta Congressdefunct
merged with NCP
2009Pragatisheel Indira Congress (PIC)Somendra Nath MitraWest Bengaldefunct
merged with All India Trinamool Congress
2011YSR Congress PartyY. S. Jaganmohan ReddyAndhra Pradeshactive
2011All India N.R CongressN. RangaswamyPuducherryactive
2014Jai Samaikyandhra PartyNallari Kiran Kumar ReddyAndhra pradeshactive

Gandhi was in Jail


Years of Arrests & Imprisonment of Mahatma Gandhi

SOUTH AFRICA | INDIA


SOUTH AFRICA

10 January, 1908
Arrested for failing to register or to leave Transvaal and sentenced to two months simple imprisonment.
On 30th January, following a compromise, he was released.
07 October, 1908
While returning from Natal, as he was unable to show his registration, which he had burnt, his sentence was imprisonment with hard labour.
25 February, 1909
Arrested, sentenced for 3 months imprisonment at Transvaal for not producing registration certificate.
06 November, 1913
After the ‘great march’ he was arrested at Palm Ford, released on 7th on bail furnished by Kallenbach.
08 November, 1913
Again arrested and released on bail.
09 November, 1913
Arrested and sentenced to nine months imprisonment. At Volkhurst sentenced for further three months. But unexpectedly released on 18 December, 1913.
16 April, 1917
While touring Champaran served with a notice to leave the district but was not arrested.
10 April, 1919
Arrested at Palwal on his way to Amritsar and was taken back to Bombay where he was released on 11 April.
10 March, 1922
Arrested near Sabarmati Ashram for writing three articles in Young India. Sentenced to six years imprisonment. Released from Yervada prison on 5 February, 1924 unconditionally after an operation on 12 January, 1924
05 May, 1930
At 12.45 a.m. arrested at Karadi near Dandi for violating Salt Law, without trail was imprisoned and released on 26 January, 1931 unconditionally.
04 January, 1932
Arrested in Bombay at 3 a.m. and taken Yervada Jail. On 8 May, 1933 as he started fast was released at 6 p.m.
01 August, 1933
Arrested early morning at Bombay following his March toward Rass and released on 4 August at 9 a.m. and was asked to leave Yervada limits by 9.30 a.m. Did not comply, so arrested on 4th at 9.50 a.m. and sentenced to one year imprisonment.
Started fast on 16th August and was released unconditionally on 23 August due to serious health condition.
09 August, 1942
Arrested under Defense of India Rules in the early hours of the morning following ‘Quit India’ resolution and was lodge in Agakhan Palace Jail. Released unconditionally at 8 a.m. on 6 May, 1944.

Tuesday, December 30, 2014

Gandhi after suspension of Non-Cooperation movement

Indian independence leader Mohandas Gandhi (a.k.a. Mahatma Gandhi) was impressed by Thoreau's arguments. In 1907, about one year into his first satyagraha campaign inSouth Africa, he wrote a translated synopsis of Thoreau's argument for Indian Opinion, credited Thoreau's essay with being "the chief cause of the abolition of slavery in America", and wrote that "Both his example and writings are at present exactly applicable to the Indians in the Transvaal."

It was in London that he ( Gandhi) read Henry David Thoreau's "Civil Disobedience", which inspired his principle of non-violence
"Non-cooperation" enjoyed widespread appeal and success, increasing excitement and participation from all strata of Indian society. Yet, just as the movement reached its apex, it ended abruptly as a result of a violent clash in the town of Chauri Chaura, Uttar Pradesh, in February 1922. Fearing that the movement was about to take a turn towards violence, and convinced that this would be the undoing of all his work, Gandhi called off the campaign of mass civil disobedience. This was the third time that Gandhi had called off a major campaign. Gandhi was arrested on 10 March 1922, tried for sedition, and sentenced to six years' imprisonment. He began his sentence on 18 March 1922. He was released in February 1924 for an appendicitis operation, having served only two years though his punishment was six years simple imprisonment ( judgement by Mr. Broom field)
Without Gandhi's unifying personality, the Indian National Congress began to splinter during his years in prison, splitting into two factions, one led by Chitta Ranjan Das and Motilal Nehru favouring party participation in the legislatures, and the other led by Chakravarti Rajagopalachari and Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, opposing this move. Furthermore, cooperation among Hindus and Muslims, which had been strong at the height of the nonviolence campaign, was breaking down. Gandhi attempted to bridge these differences through many means, including a three-week fast in the autumn of 1924, but with limited success. In this year, Gandhi was persuaded to preside over the Congress session to be held in Belgaum. Gandhi agreed to become president of the session on one condition: that Congressmen should take to wearing homespun khadi. In his long political career, this was the only time when he presided over a Congress session.

Saturday, December 27, 2014

Subhas Chandra Bose and Non-Cooperation


The Special  session of the Congress was held in Calcutta in September, 1920, presided by Lala Lajpat Rai,. He came to India after a long forced internment in U.S.A. The Congress decided,  among other things, to launch a  progressive non-violent and Non-Cooperation movement to be inaugurated by Mr. Gandhi. Subhaas Bose had his desire fulfilled and both he and C.R.Das with other Bengal organizers were arrested on December 10, and sentence to six months in Jail. This was the first time that subhas was arrested and jailed. He mocked at the Judge, "only for six months. Have I stolen a Chicken"






Janaki Nath Bose wrote to Sarat Chandra Bose, on Dec 1921" We are proud of Subhas and proud of you all". When the whole of India was charged with the Non-Coopoeration movement, the Working Committee of the Congress in a meeting held at Bardoli on 11 and 12 February 1922, decided to suspend the Civil Disobedience and non-cooperation movement in view of the violation of the preconditions of an incident at Chauri Choura  , 17 Nov 1921 and 13 Jan 1922 in Bombay and Madras respectively. Subhas Chandra Bose arrived in Bombay from Cambridge on 16 th July 1921 when India was in the midst of hectic political activities at the Gandhi's call for Swaraj. He participated in a parade illegally and was arrested on 10 Dec 1921 . He was arrested and sentenced for six months along with others including C.R.Das.  was arrested on 10 Dec 1921.
A few years later  Subhas wrote, " I had the privilege to be in the same jail with him for eight months in 1921-22.  For a couple of months , we were in the Presidency jail occupying two adjacent cells, and the remaining six monthswe were in big hall along with several other friends in the Alipore central jail."


Tuesday, December 23, 2014

Jawaharlal and Non-Cooperation





He became the prominent leader of the left-wing factions of the Indian National Congress during the 1920s, and eventually of the entire Congress, with the tacit approval of his mentor, Gandhi.

Home rule movement

Several nationalist leaders banded together in 1916 under the leadership of Annie Besant to voice a demand for self-government, and to obtain the status of a Dominion within the British Empire as enjoyed by Australia, Canada, South Africa, New Zealand and Newfoundland at the time. Nehru joined the movement and rose to become secretary of Besant's All India Home Rule League.[27][28] In June 1917 Besant was arrested and interned by the British government. The Congress and various other Indian organisation threatened to launch protests if she were not set free. The British government was subsequently forced to release Besant and make significant concessions after a period of intense protests.

Non-cooperation

The first big national involvement of Nehru came at the onset of the non-co-operation movement in 1920. He led the movement in the United Provinces (now Uttar Pradesh). Nehru was arrested on charges of anti-governmental activities in 1921, and was released a few months later. In the rift that formed within the Congress following the sudden closure of the non-co-operation movement after the Chauri Chaura incident, Nehru remained loyal to Gandhi and did not join the Swaraj Party formed by his father Motilal Nehruand CR Das

From the autumn of 1920, the non-cooperation movement gathered momentum. The attitude of the Government at first was one of caution. It was reluctant to launch a drastic repression, as it did not want to alienate moderate Indian opinion. Soon after his arrival in India in April, 1921, Lord Reading, the new Viceroy, met Gandhi. In a private letter to his son, the Viceroy confessed to a feeling of excitement, almost a thrill, in meeting his unusual visitor and described his religious and moral views as admirable, though he found it difficult to understand his practice of them in politics.
Throughout 1921, the tension between the Congress and the Government was steadily mounting. There was no meeting of minds between Gandhi and Reading. The Ali Brothers, the principal leaders of the Khilafat, were arrested in September 1921 on a charge of inciting the army to disloyalty; their offence was repeated by a number of Indian leaders including Gandhi. This was a challenge which was difficult for the Government not to accept. The official optimism that the movement would melt away by internal differences or popular apathy proved to be misplaced. Nearly thirty thousand non-cooperators were arrested. The Government was reluctant to touch Gandhi until a favourable opportunity came. Indeed as late as December 1921, Lord Reading seemed willing to hold a round table conference with Gandhi and other Indian leaders to reach an understanding and to avoid unseemly scenes during the visit to India of the Prince of Wales. Lord Reading was, however, hardly in a position to make any substantial political concessions. Meanwhile, Gandhi was under increasing pressure from his adherents to launch a civil disobedience campaign. The Ahmedabad Congress in December 1921 invested him with authority to launch a mass movement. Mass civil disobedience was, in the words of Gandhi, "an earthquake, a sort of general upheaval on the political plane—the Government ceases to function… the police stations, the courts, offices, etc., all cease to be Government property and shall be taken charge of by the people." He proposed to proceed cautiously. His plan was to launch civil disobedience in one district; if it succeeded he proposed to extend it to the adjacent districts, and so on, until the whole of India was liberated. But he gave a clear warning that if violence broke out in any form in any part of the country, the movement would lose its character as a movement of peace, "even as a lute would begin to emit notes of discord the moment a single string snaps."
bombay chronicle.gif (12336 bytes)
Bombay Chronicle report on the Ahmedabad Congress, December 1921
A riot which disfigured Bombay during the visit of Prince of Wales in November 1921 had led Gandhi to postpone civil disobedience. Nevertheless, two months later, under growing pressure from his colleagues, he decided to launch a no-tax campaign in Bardoli taluka in Gujarat. He communicated the step he contemplated, with his reasons for it, in a letter to the Viceroy. This was taken by the Government of India as an ultimatum. A head-on collision between the Government on the one hand and the nationalist forces on the other seemed imminent. Gandhi’s letter to the Viceroy was dated February 1,1922. Three days later, there was a clash between a procession and the police at Chauri Chaura, a small village in the United Province, in which the police station was set on fire and 22 policemen were killed.
Gandhi viewed the Chauri Chaura tragedy as a red signal, a warning that the atmosphere in the country was too explosive for a mass movement. He decided to retrace his steps, to cancel the plans for civil disobedience in Bardoli, to suspend the aggressive part of the non-cooperation campaign, and to shift the emphasis to the ‘constructive’ programme of hand-spinning, communal unity, abolition of untouchability, etc. His action shocked and bewildered his closest colleagues. Their reaction is best expressed in Romain Rolland’s words: "It was dangerous to assemble all the forces of a nation and to hold the nation panting before a prescribed movement, to lift one’s arm to give the final command, then at the last moment, let one’s arm drop and thrice call a halt just as the formidable machinery has been set in motion. One risks ruining the brakes and paralysing the impetus." The Viceroy, Lord Reading, cheerfully confided to his son that Gandhi "had pretty well run himself to the last ditch as a politician by extraordinary manifestation in the last month or six weeks before his arrest".

Non-Cooperation movement and Indian Revolutionaries

An important factor contributed to the Non-Cooperation movement was the the support of the members of the old revolutionary party in Bengal . As this fact was not generally known , the account as given by Subhas Chandra Bose, may be quoted at some length;
" While opposition to the Mahatma's policy of Non-Cooperation came from the intellectuals, opposition to his cult of another quarter , namely, the Revolutionary Party. During the Great War, thousands of revolutionaries had been imprisoned and most of them were subsequently released as a result of the amnesty declared in 1919. Many of them did not approve of the doctrine of non-retaliation which they apprehended would demoralise the people and weaken their power of resistance. There was a possibility that the ex-revolutionaries as a class would go against the Congressowing to the ideological differences.As a matter of fact, a section of them had already started propaganda in Bengal against the non-cooperation movement . Strangely enough , funds had been provided by the by the British mercantile community under the name of the Citizens' Protection League. The money was distributed through the medium of an Indian advocate who did not disclose the source of the funds. Deshabandhu C.R. Das was anxious to disarm the hospitality of the ex-revolutionaries and, if possible, to win their active support for the Congress campaign. He therefore arranged a conference in September between them and Mahatma , at which he also was present. The ex-revolutionaries had a heart-to-heart talk with the Mahatma, and he and Deshabandhu tried to convince them that that non-violent non-cooperation , instead of weakening or demoralizing the people, would strengthen their power of resistance. The upshots of the conference was that all those present promised to give a full chance to the Congress to strive for Swaraj and promised to do nothing to hamper its work , , while many of them agreed to join the Congress organisation.as loyal and active members."
Bose adds that this conference took place behind closed doors in September, 1921, when the Mahatma and the other members of the Congress Working Committee was stating in Calcutta as guests of C.R. Das. As Bose speaks of the Conference from his own personal knowledge , there is no reason to disbelieve his account which is corroborated by the statements of several ex-revolutionaries.
     

Friday, December 19, 2014

Gandhism and Marxism


On many an occasion Gandhiji called himself a socialist. In 1939 he expressed his faith in socialism in these words: “I desire to end Capitalism almost if not quite as much as the most advanced socialists and even communists.” Regarding his ideal of a free and equal society, he remarked: “My ideal is equal distribution. But, so far as I can see, it is not to be realised. I, therefore, work for equitable distribution.” Gandhian socialism owes its inspiration to Gandhiji’s intense passion for social justice, and to his never-failing idealism. Gandhism has the imprint of a highly developed soul receiving light and strength from a world beyond mortal ken. That world insists on truth and non-violence. Karl Marx worked out socialism by applying the dialectical method. Dialectical materialism involves, and leads to, violence. It is a force divorced from the practice of truth: in any event, not wedded to it. Above all is the complete rejection by Gandhism of the class antagonism upheld by Marxism as permeating the whole social fabric. Gandhism substitutes the principles of class harmony and class co-operation for the Marxian postulates of class division and class war. It should not be understood that Gandhism ignores the most obvious factual reality of class distinctions in our society today. Rather, it is profoundly alive to the existing divisions in society, and to the urgency of abolishing both privilege and poverty. It is Gandhiji’s view that, if we recognise the fundamental equality of the capitalist and the worker, we should not aim at the destruction of the former. “It can easily be demonstrated,” he says, that the destruction of the capitalist must mean destruction in the end of the worker, and no human being is so bad as to be beyond redemption, no being so perfect as to warrant his destroying him whom he wrongly considers to be wholly evil.” Consiousness of class distorts the individual personality. Class War regiments society. Proletarian rulers have to be ever vigilant against the return of the Bourgeois. All the organisationalpatterns based on violence are necessarily authoritarian. Democracy, on the other hand, is compatible only with a non-violent social order. If it is not by struggle, it may be asked, how else can class inequality be removed? Gandhiji’s knowledge of law, and, more, his study of the Bhagawat Geetaenabled him to formulate the theory that all property is trust, and that its should be so treated by all owners of property. This concept of property is found sprinkled across the mythological and the Arthashasthra literature of ancient India. The Bhagawata exhorts mankind on that basis. “He who collects more than he needs is a thief.” “All land belongs to Gopal.” The theory of Dana supports the view that all property is trust. To the Marxist who views property as exploitation and accumulation of surplus labour value, the trust theory of Gandhiji and Vinobaji appears to be unscientific and opposed to human nature. Herein is disclosed the primary difference between the Gandhian and Marxian ways. To Marx, human nature, unless it is institutionally controlled and governmentally directed, is basically wicked. Marxism arose in an area of the world in which ideas of the Original Sin and of the Fall of Man are the warp and the woof of the tradition of civilization. To Gandhiji, born in the Land of Shankara and RamanujaMan is a spark of the Universal Spirit. Man is innately good. If man is not innately good, society is but a confusion of egoes. If man is not innately altruistic, if man is incapable of self-sacrifice, social organisation and social order are inconceivable. How this innate social goodness of man was to be touched and worked upon was the practical political problem set to himself by Gandhiji. He believed and relied upon the innate nobility of the human heart to respond to the call to love fellow human beings and to work for their physical, mental, moral and spiritual, uplift.